One-time Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: A Retrospective on His Impactful Time in Office

The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was considered one of the most influential holders of the vice-presidency in US history. While countless vice-presidents were confined to marginal or figurehead functions, Cheney held enormous influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often called as the "true president".

Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably addressing him in public as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Despite these denials, Cheney viewed the relaxed president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.

A Period Following the Attacks

In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the downing of any non-communicating aircraft approaching the government building.

Cheney said the attacks changed him, making him become intent on retribution. Together with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein being involved.

Controversial Policies

He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on faulty reports circulated by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do back then. I believed it back then and I hold that view presently."

But during that period, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."

Broader Context

Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memo detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (featuring "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be postured to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.

Bush also had arrived in the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.

Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a conspiracy to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his predecessor's visage that each person had to walk over.

Questioning Techniques

Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement supporting attacking Iraq, consistently citing information documents that were either insubstantial or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.

Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place programmes to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of credit."

External Perception

Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? It's a advantageous way to work, actually."

Corporate Connections

Debate over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as VP. While he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.

In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the presidency. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US contracts worth multiple billions.

It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the corporation increased from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth over $20m|twenty